Michael Patrick Mulroy

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Michael Patrick Mulroy
Michael P. Mulroy.jpg
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
Assumed office
October 17, 2017
Preceded byAndrew Exum
Personal details
Political partyIndependent[1]
Spouse(s)Mary Beth Mulroy
Alma materAugusta University
Samford University
Military service
Allegiance United States of America
Branch/service United States Marine Corps
UnitSpecial Activities Center
Battles/warsAfghanistan War
Iraq War

Michael "Mick" Patrick Mulroy is the United States' Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (DASD) for the Middle East previously under Secretary James N. Mattis and currently under Secretary Mark T. Esper. He was appointed by Secretary Mattis and sworn in on October 17, 2017.[3][4] The DASD for the Middle East is part of the Senior Executive Service,[5] is responsible for Department of Defense (DoD) policy and for representing the DoD in the interagency policy process for Bahrain, Egypt, Israel, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, United Arab Emirates and Yemen.[6][7] He is also a retired Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Paramilitary Operations Officer (PMOO) and a retired United States Marine.[8] Mulroy is the co-maker of a documentary about a child soldier in the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) called "My Star in the Sky"[9] and a member of the Board of Directors of Grassroots Reconciliation Group, a nonprofit group that works to rehabilitate former child soldiers and reintegrate them back into society.[10][11]

DASD service[edit]

Several media outlets reported that Mulroy accepted the position in 2017 because then Defense Secretary Mattis was looking for a “nonpartisan and apolitical individual" who spent a lot of time in conflict areas to fill that office.[12][13][14] They continued that "Mulroy, who spent most of his career as a CIA paramilitary operations officer in conflict zones, would depart the department on December 1, 2019, as he had always planned to stay for two years and then move to Montana to work on the group he co-founded, the Lobo Institute."[12] Mulroy was awarded the Secretary of Defense Medal for Outstanding Public Service for his efforts representing the DoD on the Middle East. The citation focuses on his effort to build a comprehensive plan for Yemen, for developing a DoD policy board for Iran and for his efforts to assist the White Helmets (Syrian Civil War) in Syria.[15][16] He gave all the credit to his policy team who were "involved in many of the major national security" issues of the last several years.[17][18]

National Defense Strategy[edit]

In January 2018, then Secretary Mattis released the National Defense Strategy (United States) (NDS) which places the order of priorities for the DoD as China, Russia, North Korea, Iran and then counter-terrorism.[19] As DASD for the Middle East, Mulroy is responsible for the implementation of the NDS (and its Irregular Warfare annex) in that region. This includes shaping the future of the conflicts in Syria, Iraq, the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula and Yemen with a focus on the near peer competitors of China and Russia and the efforts to stem the malign activities of Iran.[20][21]

Irregular Warfare Annex[edit]

At a workshop in October of 2019 which included David Kilcullen, Ben Connable and Christine Wormuth at RAND, Mulroy officially rolled out the Irregular Warfare Annex and said it was a critical component of the 2018 NDS. He explained that irregular warfare (IW) includes counter-insurgency (COIN), counter-terrorism (CT), unconventional warfare (UW), foreign internal defense (FID), sabotage and subversion, as well as stabilization (warfare) and information operations (IO), among other areas. IW has been perceived largely as limited to the CT effort used to fight violent extremist organizations, but he said it should be applied to all areas of military competition. This includes the global powers competitors of China and Russia as well as the rogue states of North Korea and Iran. Mulroy said that the U.S. must be prepared to respond with "aggressive, dynamic, and unorthodox approaches to IW" to be competitive across these priorities.[22]

He continued that in order to institutionalize DoD's vision, they will proactively incorporate IW into policies, strategies, plans, and processes. This would also apply across the joint force, not solely special operations. The supporting lines of effort include considering IW in force design, development and human capital. He said DoD seeks to proactively manage and determine the character, scope, and intensity of our competition with adversaries in the IW environment, leading to a competitive advantage and raising the cost to adversaries. He concluded that it is imperative to work by, with, and through allies and partners in these efforts. This strengthens partner countries commitment to common security objectives and increases their ability to defend their own sovereignty.[22]

Specific to Iran, Mulroy said that the deployment of conventional forces in response to Iran taking the unconventional action of clandestine maritime operations against commercial shipping and drone attacks on Saudi Arabia's oil infrastructure under the cover of proxies, has not had the deterrent effect they expected.[23] Mulroy advocated for using IW to respond to Iran's activities and for developing a new strategy that would economize our force to deny Iran the strategic success from their IW activities.[23]


In August of 2019, Secretary Esper stated that China was the DoD’s number one priority and that "they are clearly professionalizing and expanding the capacity and capabilities of the military in order to push the United States out of the theater."[24] The DoD has also warned that China's efforts to gain influence in the Middle East could undermine defense cooperation between the U.S. and regional allies. Mulroy added that China had a “desire to erode US military advantages” and that they are using their investments in the Middle East for "economic leverage and coercion" as well as "intellectual property theft and acquisition."[25][26] He continued that the U.S. remains committed to improving the capacity of its partners to fight terrorism, deter regional destabilizers and promote overall stability in the Middle East, but – as seen in the department's decision to cancel Turkey’s F-35 programme – they should also be prepared to make hard decisions to protect U.S. technology."[27]


In his first meeting with a Middle East nation, Secretary Esper met with Egypt's Minister of Defense Mohammad Zaki and asked about their use of COIN tactics in the Sinai Peninsula. At that meeting, Mulroy and Zaki also spoke extensively about the importance of the population centric approach to COIN even if it takes longer to be successful. Mulroy said he saw evidence of this approach during his December 2018 visit to the Sinai Peninsula, where he spoke to both senior and junior military leaders.[28] He also highlighted that he observed economic development projects, including a desalination plant. Al-Monitor confirmed that the northern Sinai Peninsula was experiencing “unprecedented development projects” including plans for new housing and an industrial zone.[29] Mulroy also explained that the Irregular Warfare Annex to the NDS calls on the DoD to use FID principles, advise and assist tactics, and IO.[28]


In April 2019, the U.S. made the unprecedented decision to designate the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a foreign terrorist organization under the U.S. State Department's maximum pressure campaign.[30] This designation and the decision to withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action were done over the opposition of the DoD.[31][32][33] Mulroy stated that this designation did not grant any additional authorities to the DoD and that they were not seeking any.[34] The DoD also does not believe the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Terrorists could be applied to a potential conflict with Iran.[35][36]

At the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), Mulroy stated that Iran posed five distinct threats. The first was the potential for obtaining a nuclear weapon. The second was maritime security in the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al-Mandab, in which a substantial portion of energy trade and commercial goods go through. The third was Iran's support to proxies and terrorist organizations, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and Syria, the Houthis in Yemen, some of the Hashd al-Shaabi in Iraq and the safe-harboring of senior al-Qaeda leaders in Iran. The fourth was Iran’s ballistic missiles in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen for use against Saudi Arabia and in Syria with Hezbollah to use against Israel. Cyber was the fifth threat and a growing concern.[34][37][38]

After Mulroy's statement to CNAS, these threats materialized into actions in the five areas described above. Many experts believe the U.S. State Department's maximum pressure campaign is the main cause for the increase in Iran's malign activities and the increase in their desire to acquire a nuclear weapon.[39][40] As a result of the attacks by the IRGC on international shipping in the Gulf of Oman in the summer of 2019,[41][42] the U.S. started the International Maritime Security Construct (IMSC). Mulroy stated that the purpose of the IMSC was to increase overall surveillance and security in the "key waterways in the Middle East."[43][44] These waterways include the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, and the Gulf of Oman. As of the end of October 2019, the IMSC included the U.S., the U.K., Australia, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain. There has been no Iranian attacks on international shipping since the IMSC began.[45]

Mulroy initiated and directed the formation of the Iran Strategy Board (ISB). The ISB created a forum to coordinate policy direction across the DoD and advocated for a "calibrated approach to Iran."[46] One of his stated accomplishments as DASD was preventing a war with Iran.[47] Something others in the administration pushed for as they believed a conflict between the two countries was necessary to force a regime change in Iran.[48][49]


Mulroy told ABC News that the relationship with the DoD and the Iraqi Army was among the DoD's most compelling strategic interests in the Middle East. As evidence, he explained that the U.S. helped train and equip 28 Iraqi brigades to maintain their readiness and defend their country against ISIS, a common enemy.[50] He further said "five years ago, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) controlled approximately 55,000 square kilometers and more than 4 million people in Iraq lived under their oppressive rule, now they do not." The Combined Joint Task Force – Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR) directly supported these efforts.[51][52]

The Iraqi government will continue fighting the remnants of ISIS in its territory and it will continue to rely on American and coalition support to fully eliminate it. "The priority is to empower Iraq's professional and capable security forces to protect its sovereignty and to prevent an ISIS resurgence. The more capable Iraq's security institutions, the more resilient Iraq will be in the face of its enemie” Mulroy said.[50] He continued that U.S. forces are present at the express invitation of the government of Iraq and anchored in the Strategic Framework Agreement signed by our two countries more than 10 years ago (in 2008).[51][53]

Mulroy highlighted during a Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) hearing that U.S. forces had gone from over 150,000 in 2008 at an expense of 150 billion U.S. dollars a year to just over 5,000 in 2019 at an expense of 15 billion U.S. dollars a year. He believed this resulted from the hard work the U.S. and the Iraqi military did over the years to make the Iraqis more independent.[52] However, he said that Iran’s “cynical interference” in supporting non-compliant militias in Iraq, more loyal to Tehran than Baghdad, undermined the Iraqi prime minister’s authority, preyed on ordinary Iraqis by criminal activity and destabilized the fragile communities recently liberated from ISIS.[54] In an interview with Kurdistan 24, he highlighted that the U.S. will continue to sustain our robust train, equip, advise, and assist program with the Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga in order to ensure the enduring defeat of ISIS.[53]


Mulroy told Foreign Policy that Russia has been bolstering its position in the Middle East and views Syria as the center of its approach because it presents Russia with many opportunities, including re-establishing great power status in the region and demonstrating and improving its military capabilities.[53] He added that part of this approach has led to Russia establishing a naval facility at the Syrian port city of Tartus and a separate coastal air base.[55]

In October of 2018, Turkey and Russia signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Idlib, the last rebel-held territory in Syria. The agreement was supposed to provide for a ceasefire and protect the three million people living in the province. However, Syria and Russia have repeatedly broken the ceasefire causing a humanitarian catastrophe, as desperate civilians, fleeing the fighting, seek refuge. Mulroy said that Russia believes they thrive in chaos, therefore they create it.[53] He also warned against the potential of extensive collateral damage in a possible Russian-led siege against Idlib, similar to what occurred in Aleppo three years ago.[55]

Mulroy continued to say that Russia is courting traditional U.S. partners in the region, such as Egypt, Israel, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Iraq, but only for their own benefit in a very transactional manner. For the U.S. he explained "our partners are the most important asset we have" and we are "committed to being a steady partner" while providing "a positive backbone architecture for regional security."[53]


Defeat of the ISIS Caliphate[edit]

In April 2019, Mulroy stated that an area the size of West Virginia had been liberated from ISIS and the physical caliphate was defeated, but ISIS was not destroyed and there were over 10,000 completely unrepentant fighters left in Syria.[56] He believed the U.S. should be in Syria for the "long haul" with the "very capable partner" in the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).[57][58][59][60] He also said that the U.S. partnership with the SDF was a model to follow, like the partnerships with the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan to defeat the Taliban in 2001 and with the Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga in Iraq in 2003 as the northern front against Saddam Hussein.[34] He continued that the U.S. must support local partners to stabilize the areas that have been liberated from ISIS's control and prevent their return.[61]

Mulroy was "emphatic" in an interview with Defense One that the SDF deserves the credit for the victory against ISIS and the importance of keeping the pressure on ISIS so they do not return. Specifically he said “we shouldn’t just skim over it because it was an incredible feat that they (the SDF) did. Nobody in Washington did that. They did.”[62]

At a hearing before the SFRC, he said the SDF spends quite a bit of time, effort and resources taking care of everybody else's problems by holding more than 2,000 foreign terrorist fighters from over 50 countries and the U.S. is pushing those countries to take back their citizens as "it is their responsibility."[63][53] He continued that the families of ISIS fighters that have moved into internally displaced person (IDP) camps will be the next generation of ISIS or "ISIS 2.0" if the international community does not develop a plan to rehabilitate and provide them with a future.[64]

Speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Mulroy said the SDF bore most of the burden when it came to defeating a caliphate. He went on to say, that the DoD could not carry out the NDS without partners like the SDF.[65] On the large IDP camp at al-Hawl, he explained that many of the children in the camps are only learning the ways and beliefs of ISIS the entire time they’re in that camp. If the international community doesn’t come up with a way to rehabilitate them and reintegrate them into society, they are the next generation of ISIS.[66]

"We need to pick one. We need to fund it. And we need to do something." Mulroy said. "If we don't do it as an international community, not just the United States, it's a problem that our children will be dealing with," he continued.[67][61][68] He said that if we don't do that, we will be back there, for sure, doing this again "we owe it to the people that live there, who have borne unspeakable burdens, and we owe it to the men and women that are going to come after us at the State Department, at the Defense Department, that we don't just leave this undone."[69][70][71]

Assad Regime[edit]

In June 2019, Mulroy stated that the U.S. “will respond quickly and appropriately” if the Bashar al-Assad regime uses [[chemical weapons] again. He added that neither Russia and the Syrian regime had shown concern for the suffering of the Syrian people and together created one of the worst humanitarian tragedies in history. He called on all sides to abide by their agreements to avoid large scale military operations and to allow "unfettered access" to deliver humanitarian aid to those in need.[72][73][74]

In July of 2018, the White Helmet organization was evacuated out of southwest Syria through Israel and into Jordan, because the Assad regime and their Russian backers pushed into those areas and were specifically targeting the members of this group.[75] Mulroy was specifically cited for his efforts "to support the successful evacuation of 422 volunteers and family members of the White Helmets civil defense organization in Syria."[76]

Turkish Incursion[edit]

In August 2019, Mulroy, as well as other senior DoD officials, expressed public support for the SDF after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan made a threat to launch a unilateral offensive into the Kurdish area of northeastern Syria,the so-called "Safe Zone" was not established.[77] Turkey was pressing to control — in coordination with the U.S. — a 19 to 25 mile (30 to 40-kilometer) zone within civil war-ravaged Syria, running east of the Euphrates all the way to the border with Iraq.[78] This safe zone was agreed to by Turkey and the U.S. with few public details,[79] but many officials in the DoD were skeptical that Turkey will honor it's commitments.[80]

President Trump's decision to withdraw from Syria in October 2019 was against the recommendations of top officials in DoD who have sought to keep a small troop presence in northeast Syria to continue operations against ISIS and act as a critical counterweight to Iran and Russia.[81] President Trump ignored their advice and endorsed the Turkish military operation into northern Syria, removing U.S. forces and paving the way for the bloody assault on the Kurdish minority population.[82] Mulroy said the U.S. military presence in northeast Syria and our partnership with the SDF had been major contributors to stability in that area.[83][84]

Prior to the Turkish incursion, called Operation Peace Spring, Mulroy stated that if they did invade northeast Syria, the Kurdish element of the SDF will defend their people and Syrian’s will endure even more suffering.[85][61][86] The New York Times said that DoD made "lemonade out of lemons" and pieced together their strategy after it had been undermined by a phone call between U.S. President Trump and Turkish President Erdogan in December 2018, only to have it done again by another phone call between U.S. President Trump and Turkish President Erdogan in October 2019. They continued, that the DoD would try to piece it together again.[87] Mulroy advocated for an international plan to deal with the problems of the ISIS prisoners and the IDP camps publicly just days before the green lighted Turkish incursion.[88] In early October of 2019, the DoD pushed to get approval to keep a small group of forces located in Syria to be able to maintain the relationship with the SDF and continue the D-ISIS and stabilization mission.[89]

In November of 2019, the New York Times reported that Ambassador William Roebuck, the senior U.S. diplomat in Syria drafted a memorandum to the U.S. Special Envoy to Syria James Jeffrey that stated directly that the U.S. should have done more to stop the Turkish invasion into Syria. He said “Turkey’s military operation in northern Syria, spearheaded by armed Islamist groups on its payroll, represents an intentioned-laced effort at ethnic cleansing and what can only be described as war crimes and ethnic cleansing.”[90] He also warned that “we — with our local partners — have lost significant leverage and inherited a shrunken, less stable platform to support both our CT efforts and the mission of finding a comprehensive political solution for Syria.”[91]The article said the Roebuck was the "second senior American official in the past week who has questioned whether the United States pressed hard enough with measures like joint American-Turkish ground and air patrols along the border, to avert a Turkish offensive into northern Syria" with the first official being Mulroy in an interview with Defense One.[92]

Barisha Raid[edit]

On October 26, 2019 U.S. Joint Special Operations Command's (JSOC) Delta Force conducted a raid into the Idlib province of Syria on the border with Turkey that resulted in the death of Ibrahim Awad Ibrahim Ali al-Badri al-Samarrai also known as Abū Bakr al-Baghdadi.[93] The raid was launched based on a CIA Special Activities Center's intelligence effort that located the leader of ISIS.[94] This operation was conducted during the withdrawal of U.S. forces northeast Syria, adding to the complexity.[95][96] Several senior officials commented that this operation was only possible because of the presence on the ground in Syria allowing for the development of intelligence networks. Any further reduction in troop presence could compromise this capability. The SDF provided direct and extensive support to the operation. The U.S. stated they de-conflicted with Turkey, but they did not support the operation.[97][98] Barisha, the village al-Baghdadi was killed in, was located five kilometers from the border of Syria and Turkey. Many in the U.S. intelligence community (IC) have suspicions that the Turkish government knew where al-Baghdadi was located.[99] Barisha is located in an area heavily controlled by al-Qaeda affiliates to include Al-Nusra Front–SRF/Hazzm Movement conflict, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and Guardians of Religion Organization also known as Hurras ad-Din. Mulroy highlighted this area and the concern that intelligence and military officials had about the threats emanating from there prior to the Barisha raid.[100]

Continued U.S. Presence in Syria[edit]

In late October 2019, the DoD had convinced President Trump to maintain a small presence in the Deir al-Zour region of Syria to protect the oil infrastructure from being taken by ISIS again or the Assad Regime and for the benefit of the Syrian people in that area.[101] CJTF-OIR stated that they were repositioning U.S. forces to continue partnering with the SDF in order to defeat ISIS remnants, protect critical infrastructure and to deny ISIS access to revenue sources.[102] Secretary Esper stated that the oil fields were a substantial source of revenue for ISIS during their control and that the SDF could use the revenue now to offset the costs of keeping ISIS detainees.[103][104]

On the issue of a continued presence in an interview with Defense One, Mulroy took a broad view. He said the goal should be normalizing our presence and that the question of, ‘in or out’ is, was fictitious in that every time we leave, we always go back. He continued that before you decide to pull everybody out, it is important to realize that history will show the U.S. always determines it’s more important to have an influence in these countries and go back, but now without the same level of partnerships.[105][106]


In May 2019, the Senate fell short of the votes needed to override the President's veto of legislation to end U.S. support for the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. Mulroy stated that DoD’s support was limited to side-by-side coaching to mitigate civilian casualties and if the measure passed it would do nothing to help the people of Yemen and may only increase civilian deaths from the air campaign as the coaching would be ended. In regards to the sale of weapons and munitions and foreign military sales, he said that was the responsibility of the U.S. State Department.[107] He strongly supported the United Nations' peace talks led by Special Envoy Martin Griffiths to end the war and he pushed for the international community to come together and chart "a comprehensive way ahead for Yemen." Mulroy made a visit to Aden, Yemen to meet with officials from the Yemeni government prior to vote also highlighted the need for "their voices to be heard."[108][109][110] Mulroy was specifically cited for his efforts in Yemen as he "envisioned and initiated the Yemen Steering Initiative(YSI), a project designed to jumpstart the process to prevent Yemen from becoming a failed state. The United Nations incorporated the YSI to its planning process for stabilization."[111]

In 2019, the leader of ISIS in Yemen, Abu Osama al-Muhajir, was captured by the UAE and their Yemen partner forces supported by U.S. military special operations forces during an early morning raid on June 3 in the eastern province of al-Mahra.[112] The operation recovered a number of weapons, ammunition, computers, money in different currencies and communications equipment.[113]

In September of 2019, Saudi Arabia agreed to a cease-fire in several areas of Yemen, including the capital of Sana’a which is controlled by Iranian-backed Houthi rebels. This was part of broader efforts to end a four-year conflict that has threatened to escalate into regional war.[114] The UN Special Envoy Griffiths believed the ceasefire was a positive sign in the progression of the peace process that started with the Stockholm agreement.[115] This was followed by an agreement to share power between the Southern Transition Council (STC) and the Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG) in October of 2019, further advancing the effort to secure a lasting peace.[116]

CIA service[edit]

Mulroy is a retired PMOO from the Special Activities Center (formerly named Special Activities Division) of the CIA. PMOOs are a hybrid of a clandestine intelligence officer and a military special operator, belonging to the Special Operations Group (SOG) within SAC.[117] They are recruited primarily from the United States Special Operations Command[118] and are a majority of the recipients of the rare CIA valor awards of the Distinguished Intelligence Cross and the Intelligence Star.[119]

While at the CIA, Mulroy spent most of career in conflict areas.[120] His positions included service as a Chief of a Department in Special Activities Center (SAC), a Chief of Station, a Chief of an Expeditionary Team, a Chief of Base, a Deputy Chief of a Branch in Special Activities Division (SAD) and a PMOO in a Branch in SAD, among others.[121] His CIA awards include the Intelligence Star, the Intelligence Commendation Medal, the Career Intelligence Medal and the National Intelligence Exceptional Achievement Medal, among others.[122] He is also a recipient of the State Department's Superior Honor Award.[123]

Military service[edit]

Mulroy is also a retired U.S. Marine and served as both a commissioned officer and enlisted Marine on both active duty and in the reserves. He served as an Armored Crewman (United States military occupation code (MOS) 1811) of a M1 Abrams tank, a Judge Advocate (MOS 4412) and an Infantry Officer (MOS 0302).[6] His military awards include the Joint Service Commendation Medal, the Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medal, the Afghanistan Campaign Medal, the Iraq Campaign Medal, the Global War on Terrorism Expeditionary Medal, among others. His son is also a U.S. Marine serving as a Sargeant (E-5) in Force Reconnaissance (MOS 0321) with Bravo Company, 3rd Reconnaissance Battalion and was deployed to the Philippines in October of 2019.[2][124][125]


My Star in the Sky[edit]

Mulroy is a co-maker (along with U.S. Navy SEAL Eric Oehlerich) of the documentary My Star in the Sky, which in the Acholi language is “Lakalatwe”. This documentary depicts a story about survival, friendship and love between two child soldiers, Anthony and Florence Opoka. Both were abducted by the LRA, an insurgent group against the government of Uganda. Anthony was seriously injured many times. The sixth time he was struck by a rocket propelled grenade. He was thrown into a mass grave and was almost buried until someone noticed his eyes moving. He recovered with very limited medical treatment and became a celestial navigator, a skill he had learned from his father. He later became a radio operator and code-talker and was eventually made Joseph Kony's radio operator. [126] Florence also served as a soldier. After marrying Anthony in the bush, she delivered her second child during a firefight. After the birth, she "stood up and tied the baby to her back, picked up her first child with one hand and her assault rifle with the other." Anthony and Florence eventually escaped, continued their family and supports children orphaned by LRA soldiers to this day.[127][128]

Foreign Policy reports that the documentary came about after Mulroy and Oehlerich met the Opoka's during Operation Observant Compass (OOC). [129] Mulroy called OOC, a “model” for how to address child soldiers using influence operations instead of lethal force. They worked with Non-Government Organizations (NGO)s who found mothers of child soldiers and had them broadcast messages over the radio, begging them to come home. Mulroy said that a lot of these kids didn’t think they were going to be allowed back, so to have their mother get on the radio and specifically tell them ‘we want you back’ made a big difference. He continued that other missions are driven by the kinetics—this was not. Marine Corps Col. Jon Darren Duke, who previously commanded OOC, said they did everything they could to get the child soldiers to defect so they would not have to fight them by using psychological operations to “appeal to them to lay down their arms,” he said during the screening.[130] Mulroy said that he hopes that OOC serves as a model for future programs to address child soldiers, as well as other operations as it showed how the U.S. military can use “soft power, influence operations” and other aspects of so-called “irregular warfare” to fight the problem. [131]

This documentary has been screened at Yale University's Jackson Institute for Global Affairs,[132] the Atlantic Council, a Washington, D.C. based think tank for international affairs,[133] the Enough Project, a non-profit group to end crimes against humanity,[134] Georgetown University's Institute for the Study of Diplomacy,[135] and the Truman National Security Project, a left-leaning national security and leadership development organization based in Washington, D.C.[136][137][138]


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