Liwa Fatemiyoun

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Liwa Fatemiyoun
لواء الفاطميون
LeadersAli Reza Tavassoli ("Abu Hamed Ali Sah Xakis") [1][2]
Mostafa Sardarzadeh [2]
Hussain Fedayee ("Zulfiqar") [3]
Dates of operationNovember 2014 – present[4]
Allegiance Iran (IRGC)[3][5][6]
HeadquartersMashhad, Iran
Active regionsSyria[1][7][8][9][10]
Yemen[11]
IdeologyShia Islamism
Sizec. 10,000 – 20,000 (2018)[3]
500–1,500 (2020)[12]
Allies Syria
 Iran
 Russia
Liwa Zainebiyoun
 Hezbollah
Iraqi Shia private militias[13]
Houthis
 Yemen (Supreme Political Council)
Opponents Free Syrian Army
Islamic Front
al-Nusra Front
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
Syrian Democratic Forces[14][failed verification]
 Yemen (Hadi government)
 Israel
 Saudi Arabia
 United States
Battles and warsSyrian civil war Yemeni Civil War[21]

Liwa Fatemiyoun (Arabic: لِوَاء الْفَاطِمِيُّون‎, romanizedLiwā’ al-Fāṭimīyūn, Persian/Dari: لواء فاطمیون or لشکر فاطمیون), literally "Fatimid Banner", also known as Fatemiyoun Division, Fatemiyoun Brigade,[3] or Hezbollah Afghanistan,[6] is an Afghan Shia militia formed in 2014 to fight in Syria on the side of the Syrian government.

It is funded, trained, and equipped by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and fights under the command of Iranian officers.[4] However, the group has denied direct Iranian government involvement in its activities.[4] By late 2017, the unit numbered between 10,000–20,000 fighters.[3] According to Zohair Mojahed, a cultural official in the group, the group has suffered 2,000 killed and 8,000 wounded in combat in Syria from its establishment up to the end of 2017.[22]

History[edit]

The core of Liwaa Fatemiyoun is constituted of the fighters of the Shia militia group Muhammad Army (سپاه محمد) which was active during the Soviet–Afghan War and against the Taliban, until its collapse after the Invasion of Afghanistan, as well as the Abuzar Brigade, an all-Afghan Shia militia group who voluntarily fought in the Iran–Iraq War. During the Iran–Iraq war, these fighters were stationed in the mountainous areas of Loolan and Navcheh in the northwestern Iran, as they had experience in mountain warfare and irregular warfare during the war against the Soviets.[23][24][25]

Reports of pro-government Afghan fighters date back to October 2012.[4] They originally fought in the Iraqi Abu Fadl al-Abbas Brigade before eventually becoming a distinct brigade in 2014.[26]

The group's official purpose is the defense of the shrine of Zaynab bint Ali, the granddaughter of Prophet Muhammad. However, it has fought on active frontlines around Daraa, Aleppo, and Palmyra. In October 2014, three fighters were captured by the rebel Islamic Front. Their fates are unknown.[27] On 7 May 2015, Iran commemorated 49 fighters of the group who were killed.[28] According to Spiegel Online, 700 members of the group are believed to have been killed in combat around Daraa and Aleppo as of June 2015.[29] The Washington Institute estimated at least 255 casualties between January 19, 2012 and March 8, 2016.[30] In March 2016, they fought in the recapture of Palmyra from the Islamic State.[31]

In August 2016, Iranian official Qurban Ghalambor was arrested by the Afghan government for recruiting fighters for the brigade.[32]

Liwa Fatemiyoun fighters with Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani during the Syrian Desert campaign (May–July 2017).[16]

In 2017, the unit helped countering a major rebel offensive in northern Hama Governorate,[15] and later aided a pro-government offensive in the Syrian Desert that aimed at reaching the Iraqi border.[16] In course of the latter campaign, Mohammad Hosseini (also known as "Salman") was killed as he stepped on an anti-personnel mine. Hosseini had served as the intelligence chief of Liwa Fatemiyoun's Hazrat-e Fatemeh Zahra Brigade.[33] Following the successful conclusion of this offensive, the Liwa Fatemiyoun took part in the campaign to capture all of central Syria from ISIL. Anwar Yawri, another commander of Liwa Fatemiyoun, was killed during these operations.[17] As of July, 2017, the militia lost some 600 men fighting in Syria.[34] The unit later took part in the Eastern Syria campaign (September–December 2017), and helped to break ISIL's siege on Deir ez-Zor.[3]

On 21 November 2017, Iran declared victory over ISIL, and subsequently started to downsize Liwa Fatemiyoun. The first troops to be demobilized were the youngest and oldest, as well as those who had exhibited problematic behavior such as indiscipline. The demobilized fighters were sent back to Iran to return to their families and civilian life.[3] In course of the COVID-19 pandemic, Liwa Fatemiyoun reportedly began to produce masks and gloves in Iran and Syria, intending to distribute them to poor Syrians. Western observers suspected that this was supposed to boost the group's image and help it in recruiting new members.[35] By late 2020, Liwa Fatemiyoun was still operating in eastern Syria,[36] though only about 500 to 1,500 fighters strong.[12]

Experts differ on what role Liwa Fatemiyoun was fulfilling as of 2020, as the Syrian government had become relatively secure. Researcher Phillip Smyth argued that Liwa Fatemiyoun was supposed to act as Iran's "phantom force" of trained foreign soldiers, ready to be used for possible future interventions. Accordingly, Symth and ex-Herat Province governor Abdul Qayoum Rahim argued that Liwa Fatemiyoun had already begun deployment to other regions such as Yemen, Bahrain and Iraq, and was possibly prepared for an intervention in Afghanistan. Symth and Rahim also claimed that the constant fighting had turned Liwa Fatemiyoun into an elite force, as most of its less capable fighters had been killed or demobilized, leaving only the most experienced and radical ones. Other security analysts argued that there was no evidence for further mass foreign deployments, and that Liwa Fatemiyoun was overall dimishing in numbers and suffering from low morale, as the Iranian government had proven to be slow in granting promised benefits to its fighters.[12]

Organization, supplies and equipment[edit]

Liwa Fatemiyoun is led by IRGC commanders and supplied by the Iranian military,[3][32] while its troops are recruited from the approximately 3 million Afghans in Iran,[3][32][5] as well as Afghan refugees already residing in Syria.[6] The recruits are typically Hazara, an ethnic group from central Afghanistan.[6][4][32] The Iranian recruiters for Liwa Fatemiyoun are usually members of the Basij.[37]

Funeral of a Holy Shrine Defender killed in Syria, with mourners waving the flags of Hezbollah as well as Liwa Fatemiyoun

The Afghans are promised Iranian citizenship and salaries of $500–$800 per month in return for fighting (usually a 3-month-long deployment to Syria).[3][21][4][26] Many are refugees[21] and some criminals who choose recruitment over imprisonment or deportation,[26][29][27] though the Iranian government generally claims that they are religiously motivated volunteers.[3][37] The first Liwa Fatemiyoun troops sent to Syria were told that they were fulfilling their "Islamic duty" by defending the shrines of Damascus.[12] Iranian media has claimed that the Iranian military provides Liwa Fatemiyoun fighters and their IRGC officers with Hashish to raise their morale.[38] After completing their service, many ex-Liwa Fatemiyoun fighters were frustrated that the Iranian government proved slow in fulfilling all their demands; most importantly, fighters struggled to secure the promised benefits such as salaries, housing, and jobs due to Iran's difficult economic situation and cases of Iranian officials stalling in regards to payouts. The families of fallen fighters have also struggled to secure benefits and visas.[12]

Though some Afghan sub-commanders of Liwa Fatemiyoun are veterans of several wars, including the Iran–Iraq War and the Afghan Civil War (1996–2001),[3] new recruits of the unit generally lack combat experience.[5] The recruits are given just a few weeks of training, armed, and flown to Syria via the Iraq–Syria–Iran air bridge. These soldiers are used as shock troopers, spearheading numerous important pro-government offensives alongside Iranian, Iraqi, and Hezbollah troops. Most of them operate as light infantry, although some receive more thorough training and can work as tank crews.[39] Parts of Liwa Fatemiyoun have been trained by the Russian Armed Forces.[3] As the unit is often used in those war zones where the most intense fighting takes place[3] despite its sometimes inadequate training,[5] observers believe that Liwa Fatemiyoun fighters often act as "cannon fodder".[3][5] By 2020, analysts such as Philip Symth argued that the "cannon fodder" troops of the unit had been mostly weeded out, leaving only a hardened core of fighters.[3]

Accusations of war crimes[edit]

According to Human Rights Watch, Liwa Fatemiyoun has recruited child soldiers, some of whom were as young as 14.[37] Pro-Syrian opposition media has claimed, based on photographs, that Liwa Fatemiyoun fighters use Sarin gas grenades.[40]

Designation as terrorist organization[edit]

Since 2019, Canada declared Fatemiyoun as a terrorist organization.[41]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b "Iran mourns 7 Afghans killed fighting for Damascus ally". Daily Star Lebanon. Archived from the original on 3 April 2015. Retrieved 7 May 2015.
  2. ^ a b yalibnan. "Top Iranian Guards commander, several fighters killed in Syria". Archived from the original on 3 June 2016. Retrieved 6 May 2016.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Ahmad Shuja Jamal (13 February 2018). "Mission Accomplished? What's Next for Iran's Afghan Fighters in Syria". War on the Rocks. Archived from the original on 14 May 2019. Retrieved 4 August 2018.
  4. ^ a b c d e f "Iran's Afghan Shiite Fighters in Syria". Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Archived from the original on 11 November 2017. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
  5. ^ a b c d e AFPC (2017), p. 340.
  6. ^ a b c d "Liwa al-Fatemiyoun". Jihad Intel. Archived from the original on 4 August 2018. Retrieved 4 August 2018.
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  8. ^ Sohranas. "More than 50 air raids carried out on Jeser al-Shagour, and the violent clashes continue around hills in Frikah village and al-Alawin checkpoint". Syrian Observatory For Human Rights. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
  9. ^ Leith Fadel (2 November 2015). "Syrian Army and Hezbollah Make Huge Gains in Southern Aleppo: Military Operations Begin in Al-Hadher". Al-Masdar News. Archived from the original on 28 March 2019. Retrieved 29 August 2016.
  10. ^ Amir Toumaj (3 August 2016). "Iranian military involvement in the battle for Aleppo". The Long War Journal. Archived from the original on 1 February 2017. Retrieved 29 August 2016.
  11. ^ "Iran Sent Them to Syria. Now Afghan Fighters Are a Worry at Home". New York Times. 11 November 2017. Archived from the original on 17 August 2019. Retrieved 12 November 2017. Not only did Iran send smaller units of the Fatemiyoun to cross Syrian borders and fight in Yemen
  12. ^ a b c d e Ali M Latifi (26 September 2020). "'Phantom force': Young Afghans fighting in Syria face uncertain future". Middle East Eye. Retrieved 9 May 2021.
  13. ^ "After ISIS, Fatemiyoun Vows to Fight with "Axis of Resistance" to Destroy Israel". Middle East Institute. Archived from the original on 2020-07-16. Retrieved 2020-07-23.
  14. ^ a b Christoph Reuter. American Fury: The Truth About the Russian Deaths in Syria: Hundreds of Russian soldiers are alleged to have died in U.S. airstrikes at the beginning of February. Reporting by DER SPIEGEL shows that events were likely very different. Archived 2018-03-04 at the Wayback Machine Der Spiegel, 2 March 2018.
  15. ^ a b Amir Toumaj (2 April 2017). "Qassem Soleimani reportedly spotted in Syria's Hama province". Long War Journal. Archived from the original on 3 April 2017. Retrieved 3 April 2017.
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  20. ^ Joe Truzman (14 February 2020). "IRGC trained militias suffer losses in northwest Syria". Long War Journal. Archived from the original on 17 February 2020. Retrieved 17 February 2020.
  21. ^ a b c Mashal, Mujib; Faizi, Fatima (November 11, 2017). "Iran Sent Them to Syria. Now Afghan Fighters Are a Worry at Home". Archived from the original on August 17, 2019. Retrieved November 12, 2017 – via NYTimes.com.
  22. ^ "More than 2,000 Afghans killed in Syria fighting for Bashar al-Assad: Official". Middle East Eye. Archived from the original on 2019-02-20. Retrieved 2020-07-23.
  23. ^ mashreghnews.ir, مشرق نیوز : آخرین اخبار ایران و جهان. "تیپ فاطمیون، لشکر شد". Archived from the original on 2016-10-24. Retrieved 2016-07-18.
  24. ^ "لشکر "فاطميون" چگونه شکل گرفت؟ - سرلشکرقاسم سلیمانی - Qasem Soleimani". Archived from the original on 2016-10-07. Retrieved 2016-07-18.
  25. ^ "روایت تیپ 300 نفره "ابوذر" که همگی افغانستانی بودند - FarsNews Agency". Archived from the original on 2017-08-19. Retrieved 2016-07-18.
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  28. ^ "Sami on Twitter". Twitter. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
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  34. ^ Latifi, Ali M. (2017-06-30). "Opinion | How Iran Recruited Afghan Refugees to Fight Assad's War". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 2019-10-13. Retrieved 2019-11-06.
  35. ^ "How Extremist Groups Are Reacting to COVID-19". VOA. 3 April 2020. Retrieved 29 April 2021.
  36. ^ Sirwan Kajjo (23 November 2020). "Iran Strengthens Military Presence in Eastern Syria". VOA. Retrieved 29 April 2021.
  37. ^ a b c "Iran: Afghan Children Recruited to Fight in Syria. Protection Gaps Increase Children's Vulnerability". Human Rights Watch. 1 October 2017. Archived from the original on 30 June 2018. Retrieved 4 August 2018.
  38. ^ "Iran has provided "cannabis" as motivation for the Afghan "Fatimioun Brigade" in Syria". Al-Dorar Al-Shamia. 7 August 2017. Archived from the original on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 17 July 2018.
  39. ^ Fariba Sahraei. "Syria war: The Afghans sent by Iran to fight for Assad" Archived 2018-06-15 at the Wayback Machine. BBC Persia. 15 April 2016.
  40. ^ ""Fatimioun Brigade" in Syria have bombs containing sarin gas". Al-Dorar Al-Shamia. 7 September 2017. Archived from the original on 9 September 2017. Retrieved 4 August 2018.
  41. ^ Canada adds neo-Nazi groups Blood & Honour, Combat 18 to list of terror organizations

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